Yet another piece of news that will probably not be gracing the BBC anytime soon; a recent financial forum held in Hong Kong with panelists by and large in consent that further financial reform as well as less state-involvement in the economy was needed, less development would be spurred.
There is no shortage of theories about what may cause China’s economy to suffer a hard landing. Foreign observers typically identify risks such as rising property prices, stubborn inflation and weakening exports, but China’s elite seemingly have very different concerns.
“China needs deeper reform in its financial sector,” Tu Guangshao, vice-mayor of Shanghai, said at the panel. “It should reduce government interference in the financial market and liberalise the renminbi interest rate and exchange rate market.”
Tu, who is the former vice-chairman of the China Securities Regulatory Commission, said the lack of reform is the biggest obstacle in Shanghai’s development as an international financial centre, however, he is confident that the city will achieve that goal in 2020.
John Zhao, senior vice-president of Lenovo Holdings, also argued that a lack of financial reform has stood in the way of many opportunities, and complained that China had failed to mobilise its capital reserves.
“China is changing its role from the world’s factory to the world’s market,” he said. “We often see cash-loaded Chinese corporate and individual buyers shopping around the globe, but there are not enough investment channels at home.”
It was interesting how they were more worried about the facilitation ability of financial markets as opposed to overheating property markets in the main coastal cities. Their logic appears to be sound: if people are unable to channel savings into investments through financial markets within their own country or possibly they do not believe in the capacity of those markets, they will do one of two things. 1) They will buy physical assets (property, gold) as an alternative investment vehicle and 2) the money will be invested abroad (overseas M&A). No surprise then, this is exactly what has happened.
This is, however one small problem. Functioning capital markets require three things:
1) transparency in accounting standards on the part of the companies.
2) freedom for the financial press to report, gather and dessimate data for stakeholders to react to.
3)substantive penalties for those who engage in insider trading, rig the market or otherwise interfere with the operation of market mechanisms.
A failure in any or all of the above will mean that the capital markets are seen as little more than a mugs game, rigged for the benefit of the few and powerful. This perception will also have an impact on well-behaving firms as they will be viewed as guilty by association. Although perhaps South Korea is a stretch, the Japanese financial markets are a good example of this. Once a company is listed it is obliged to make public statements and if there are rumours, it should dispel them quickly and efficiently. The 1990s and the ‘Japan premium’ is a case in point: it was widely held that the Japanese banks were hiding bigger losses than they actually stated. As a consequence Japanese financial institutions had to pay ever higher premiums on the LIBOR market to the point that there was financial melt-down in 1997, culminating with two of the biggest bankruptcies in Japanese corporate history: Yamaichi Securities (now partly absorbed into Merrill Lynch Japan) and Long Term Credit Bank of Japan (LTCB, now Shinsei Bank and the subject of Gillian Tett’s ‘Saving the Sun’).
This is just one example and I’m not even going to get into regulatory oversight failure which incidently is partially what caused the problem in the first place.
Note: I will be fair here and state that a lot of this was done prior to accounting reform implementation in 2000 before which a) firms did not require consolidated balance sheets for all subsidiaries and b) off-balance sheet vehicles through tobashi or more technically Bogai saimu. Most offences relating to this even in the wake of the Olympus scandal pre-date the new reforms. I will probably have to do a much longer post on this in the future.
My point being is that the Chinese authorities need to develop a mechanism to deal with this. Otherwise asset purchases, loan sharking and direct-bank lending will remain the system du jour. Now that is not necessarily a bad thing, but if you at least want to have capital/financial markets there are times when they can be efficient, for example big rail projects or formerly nationalised industries. Of course the government will have it’s finger in the pie, all OECD members do this to a certain extent (Oil, defence, energy and alcohol to name just a few examples), they even have a sizeable majority stake in the company but by and large the company is left to report as an independent organisation.
Furthermore, if there is a criminal matter, what assurances can the Chinese give that it will be reported and dealt with, as opposed to being let off scot-free? My guess is that Chinese policymakers are aware (my dealings with Chinese financiers have lead me to only one conclusion: they are not stupid) but will have to deal with the dichotomy of reformed legal infrastructure in some areas (Shanghai, the eastern seaboard) with as-yet un-reformed legal infrastructure in the more in-land areas. I suspect it is not reporting that is the problem, but enforcement. ’Patent Litigation in China‘ by Douglas Clark is perhaps worth a read should you wish to delve into the subject in more detail.
“You are a scholar, a professor, you should never believe Chinese statistics.” – Deng Xiaoping to Lucian Pye now Professor Emeritus of MIT, 1970s (I think reporting has changed a lot since then, but history is a great joke book)
Although Chinese statistics are in general, agreed to be much more accurate than they were (Gregory Chow writes an interesting assessment of Chinese statistics here), the disclosure and dissemination of important information in a timely manner. Now of course, some members of the Communist Party are more efficient than others (central government spending is viewed as relatively efficient as opposed to some rural provincial governments). This is good news and should the government proceed to de-regulate the RMB currency market in the future this should serve it well.
However, especially with local government debt or any state-owned corporate debt, how will it be possible for a independent rating agency, Chinese or otherwise to make a valid unbiased recommendation. Even if the Chinese get over the hurdle of reliable statistics, the ‘relatively’ free press argument is still a problem that needs to be discussed. Giving free speech to FT journalists as opposed to Herald & Tribune writers would be interesting, but it wouldn’t work. Perhaps a gradual cleaning up is taking place, much like in other parts of the world: the press might not be free but the information gets around…
Certainly something worth chewing over